Unknown donors pouring millions into what could be Minnesota's most expensive Senate primary

An onslaught of untraceable spending has poured into the Democratic race between Rep. Angie Craig and Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan, making the contest for U.S. Senate among the most expensive primaries Minnesota has seen.

The influx of this "dark money" has sparked criticism by Flanagan, who says industry donors want to elect Craig to do their bidding. Craig's campaign has criticized Flanagan for accepting outside support from big tobacco and big oil when she previously chaired the Democratic Lieutenant Governor's Association (DLGA).

To date, outside groups that must disclose their donors to federal regulators have spent more than $10 million on ads either supporting Craig or attacking Flanagan. Some of the funding for those ads has been funneled through a dark money group that doesn't have to disclose its donors, however.

Additionally, more than $2 million in spending on ads praising Craig has come from organizations whose donors are untraceable.

"These outside groups aren't spending millions of dollars to elect Congresswoman Craig to the Senate for no reason," Flanagan said at a news conference last week. "They're investing in someone who will do their bidding and attacking me because I won't."

Political action committees that are obligated to reveal their donors have spent more than $2 million supporting Flanagan. Those groups draw funding from labor unions, corporations, individual donors, Democratic organizations and other PACs, including some dark money groups.

Craig thinks Flanagan's attacks are hypocritical given the corporate PAC money that flowed into the DLGA under her leadership and because one of the PACs backing the lieutenant governor began airing negative advertising against the congresswoman first.

"If she thinks this is bad, just wait until Republicans come after her if she's our candidate," Craig said in an interview.

Craig and Flanagan, who are vying to replace retiring Sen. Tina Smith, are locked in a competitive race for the Aug. 11 primary that's emblematic of the broader struggle between the centrist and progressive wings of the party.

Craig hopes her fundraising advantage and record of flipping a red district will persuade voters to choose her to take on the Republican candidate this fall, while Flanagan has tapped into a progressive backlash against President Donald Trump and argues her campaign prioritizes the "many over the money."

The vast majority of outside spending for Craig comes from North Star Dawn, a super PAC that launched in January and has flooded TV and social media with ads. (Super PACs can't coordinate with campaigns but face no spending limits.)

North Star Dawn's ads laud Craig for standing up to Trump and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement after she suffered substantial backlash from the Democratic base in the wake of Operation Metro Surge, the immigration enforcement crackdown in Minnesota earlier this year. In January 2025, Craig voted for the Laken Riley Act, which mandates detention of undocumented immigrations arrested for certain crimes, a vote she has since said she regrets.

Federal campaign finance filings show North Star Dawn has spent more than $7 million supporting Craig or opposing Flanagan - almost all of it in the past six weeks.

North Star Dawn's largest supporter is billionaire Stephen Mandel, founder of hedge fund Lone Pine Capital and a longtime Democratic donor. The group also received a six-figure donation from a political action committee associated with the Teamsters union. North Star Dawn received more than $530,000 in donations between its inception and the end of May, meaning most of its fundraising has not yet been disclosed. PACs must file reports again this week.

North Star Dawn's spokesman, Jerid Kurtz, also placed ads on behalf of Civic Progress Fund, a new "social welfare" nonprofit established in December, according to federal filings.

Civic Progress Fund's ads don't explicitly support Craig, but they praise her position on ICE. Civic Progress is considered "dark money" because it doesn't have to disclose its donors or spending to campaign finance regulators as a 501(c)(4) group.

Kurtz did not respond to requests for comment on his ties to the group.

The ability of dark money groups to influence elections draws persistent criticism from supporters of campaign finance reform.

Michael Beckel, director of money in politics reform at Issue One, said big competitive races often draw significant outside spending that might exceed the candidates' own spending.

"I think that again really underscores how broken our campaign finance system has become - that you've got so much money being able to flow into these outside groups that are clearly ways for wealthy donors and special interests to curry favor by access and influence with the victor," Beckel said.

Another newly established dark money group, Minnesotans for Progress, has started running ads praising Craig's opposition to additional funding for ICE and calling for the impeachment of former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, whom Trump fired after the surge.

Another super PAC, including the Virginia-based Center Forward Committee, has spent more than $1.2 million backing Craig. Center Forward is required to report its fundraising and spending, but it draws most of its money from an affiliated dark money group. It also reported contributions from UnitedHealth Group and Chevron.

While the vast majority of outside spending has gone to Craig, groups like the DLGA and Clear Voice Minnesota are backing Flanagan. Both super PACs must disclose their donors.

Clear Voice has chipped in $175,000 and has received large donations from a handful of individuals, Native American tribes and former Sen. Al Franken's campaign.

The DLGA's super PAC has so far spent $2 million to support Flanagan in the race and plans to spend more. It draws most of its funds from the Democratic Lieutenant Governors Association nonprofit, which must report its fundraising to the IRS. The group has also received donations this election cycle from Meta, Lockheed Martin, pharmaceutical interests, teachers' groups and unions.

Craig supporters have argued Flanagan, too, is benefiting from outside corporate spending. The DLGA accepted money from ICE contractor CoreCivic during Flanagan's tenure, which she said she did not solicit and asked them to donate once it came in.

"If Flanagan were really concerned about super PACs, she'd call her on her former employees to stop spending big for her," Kurtz said in a statement.

But Flanagan said the DLGA is a sister organization to the Democratic Party solely focused on electing Democrats, while dark money groups supporting Craig "are working to elect someone that they know is going to vote their way."

Flanagan has pledged not to accept campaign contributions from corporate PACs "because I want to be beholden to Minnesotans."

The DLGA launched an attack ad against Craig over dark money spending on Thursday, just days after Flanagan held her news conference on the issue. A social media post announcing the ad borrowed her promise to prioritize the "many over the money."

The Supreme Court's 2010 Citizens United decision paved the way for virtually unlimited outside spending from dark money groups and super PACs in elections.

Craig says if she could she would "wave a magic wand and say: Republicans and Democrats, no more super PACs."

But she emphasized that the only way to change the law is to win elections and try to reverse the decision.

"I've run five competitive House races, and in every single one of them, I've had to endure millions of dollars in attack ads from super PACs in these races," Craig said. "This is part of being in the big leagues."

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This story was originally published July 13, 2026 at 6:04 PM.